Are otten crops the future of food?
{A} On a small fruit farm near the Straits of Malacca（马六甲海峡）, Lim Kok Ann is down to just one tree growing kedondong, a crunchy, sour berry that Malaysians mostly use in pickles and salads."It''s not very well-known," says the 45-year-old, who is instead focusing on longan berries and pineapples（凤梨）, which have bigger markets."We have to grow what is profitable," he says.
{B} But less than an hour away in the Malaysian countryside, inside three giant, silver domes, scientists are trying to change the future of food.They''re pushing the boundaries （界限）of what humans eat by growing and processing so-called ''alternative'' crops 一 such as kedondong.At the headquarters of global research centre Crops For the Future (CFF) this particular under-used fruit has been turned into a sugar-free juice, high in vitamin C and getting top marks in sensory evaluations（感官评估）."Anything you see here is a otten crop," says Sayed Azam-Ali of the abundant plants weaving through the gardens of CFF outside Malaysia''s capital Kuala Lumpur.
{C} Prof Azam-Ali explains that just four crops -wheat, maize（玉米）, rice and soybean（大豆） -provide two-thirds of the world''s food supply."We''re dependent on these four," he says."But actually there''s 7,000 crops we''ve been farming for thousands of years. We ignore all of those."Researchers are trying to unlock the potential of these ignored crops -plants they describe as otten, under-used or ''alternative'' as they are displaced by increasingly uniform diets fuelled by processed ingredients from the major crops.
{D} It''s a timely quest.The food sector （部门）is already responsible for nearly a third of global greenhouse gas emissions.By 2050 it estimates the world must produce 50% more food to feed the projected global population of 10 billion. Meeting this demand without contributing to climate change calls for urgent solutions.
{E}otten crops hold key answers.By investing in neglected local plants, countries can reduce their reliance on imported crops and their carbon-heavy supply chains.
Bringing back the variety of crops humans once ate also boosts food security at a time warming climates threaten existing crops.On top of that otten crops are among the most climate-resilient（气候区） and nutritious, argues Azam-Ali. His summary is plain: "Dietary diversification（多样化） is critical to the future of humanity."
{F} Food security experts （食品安全专家）agree."There is no food insecurity in the world, there is food ignorance," says Cecilia Tortajada, a senior research fellow at the Institute of Water Policy at the National University of Singapore."Whenever we have native crops we tend to disregard them as if they were not valuable but they are," she adds.
{G} Azam-Ali knows that scepticism （怀疑）firsthand.（直接的）He came across alternative crops in the 1980s through the work of women farmers he met in Niger.The then-PhD student remembers marvelling （惊奇于）at the crops they grew in their backyards, without the benefits of technology, to feed their families when the big crops failed.He saw a tremendous opportunity to build alternative food systems.But "the resistance （阻力）was enormous" , he recalls.
{H} Undeterred, he ploughed on（继续前进）.Project after project helped prove these crops were viable in different environments as alternatives to the staple （主要作物）ones.But the question of whether these crops would be marketable remained."That''s the critical thing," he says.In one of the centre''s domes, food technologist Tan Xinlin uses powdered moringa leaves in place of some wheat flour to bake a cake lower in gluten and higher in nutrients.Tan''s job is to create recipes（食谱） with these still-unfamiliar ingredients that will appeal to both local and international tastes.In recent years she has used some of the otten crops grown at CFF, such as moringa and bambara groundnut, to make everything from instant（速溶） soup to Indian snacks."I try to modernise （现代化）otten crops instead of using old recipes" , says Tan, who is also a trained chef.It''s a strategy to appeal to the world''s growing middle class who are increasingly turning to the fast and processed food industries.It''s also a way to help counter perceptions（观念） of local crops as "old or poor people''s food" or as inferior "women''s crops", adds Tan.
{I} The roots of these connotations about local foods can run deep.The bambara groundnut, a protein-rich native crop of sub-Saharan Africa that is also grown in parts of southeast Asia, can trace its marginalisation（边缘化） to colonial（殖民化） rule（统治）."African women who grew bambara groundnut were actually punished for growing it" , says Azam-Ali."Colonial powers said you can''t grow it because there''s no oil. We can''t get a market for it" .But today the bambara murukku is one of CFF''s best-reviewed foods and they are aiming to get it into grocery stores, pointing to the success of crops like quinoa（藜麦） to potential investors.Some 30 years ago, quinoa was virtually unheard of outside its native mountains in Bolivia and Peru.Today the nutritious grain is found on the menus of lavish（豪华） restaurants across the world.
{J} Measuring crops by nutrition instead of yield is at the heart of the otten foods enterprise（企业）.Ever since the "green revolution" of the 1960s, high-yielding crops have dominated modern agriculture.That was in part a crucial response to devastating （毁灭性的）famines（饥荒） at a time when the world needed to increase its food supply.Today "nutrition is bing a time bomb" , says Azam-Ali, as growing carbon dioxide levels strip crops of their minerals（矿物质）.Instead of bio-fortifying（生物强化） major crops we should be investing in those otten crops that are already more nutritious, he asserts.
{K} In the bowels of CFF''s third dome, lab manager Gomathy Sethuraman opens a window into the centre''s "crown jewels" , revealing vines （葡萄藤）of winged beans growing under a bright yellow light.It''s one of three chambers where scientists are studying the impact of higher temperatures and carbon dioxide levels on the nutritional make-up of alternative crops.
This research is "the game changer" , says Azam-Ali, ensuring that "future foods" are also the healthiest ones in warmer climates.
{L} There is a growing global momentum （动力）around otten foods, says Danielle Nierenberg, president of Food Tank, a US-based think tank.Other than CFF, which bills itself as the world''s first research centre dedicated solely to under-utilised crops, there are other key groups championing agricultural diversity including Crop Trust, Slow Food, Icrisat and Bioversity International.Add to that more middle-ie consumers searching for nutritious foods and others eager to try the unprocesse- d foods their grandparents once ate, she says.
{M} But the rising interest in otten foods in some quarters is overtaken （压到）by the global spread of Western-style diets heavy in sugar, fat and processed foods in others.
{N} A key obstacle（障碍） to promoting fading local crops in Malaysia, for example, is "the obsession （困扰）with imported products" , says Jenifer Kuan, co-founder of a restaurant that champions （冠军）locally-sourced food in an affluent suburb of Kuala Lumpur.Customers at Sitka, regarded as the pioneer（先驱） in the country''s small farm-to-table dining scene, still seek foreign ingredients as a "status symbol" , she says.
{0} The argument for otten foods feels intuitive（直观的）. Some analysts say it is in fact inevitable."Climate change is going to mean almost certainly tastes are going to be forced to change," says Tim Lang, profess- or of food policy at City University of London.
We "have to get used to eating other crops" as yields of staple crops fall, he says.
36.According to a senior researcher, we will have secure food supply if we rid ourselves of ignorance about native crops.
37.Most of the world''s food supplyes from a tiny number out of thousands of crops that have been grown for centuries.
38.To provide their family with food when the staple（主食） crops failed, some African women farmers grew local crops in their backyards.
39.High-yielding crops have occupied a dominant position in modern agriculture since the green revolution in the last century.
40.Growing alternative crops proved feasible in a variety of environments, but the critical question was whether they would be marketable.
41.According to a professor, when the yields of staple crops fall, we will have to adapt to eating foods from alternativ- e crops.
42.Urgent measures have to be taken to provide food for the projected world population without aggravating the climate.
43.Colonial rule marginalised local crops by punishing Africans who grew them.44.
As existing crops are endangered by global warming, we can increase food security by bringing back the many otten food crops.
45.Researchers are trying to find out how higher temperatures and co2 levels affect the nutritionalposition of alternative crops.
Key:1-5 FCGJH 6-10 ODREK
The Free-Trade Paradox（悖论）
{A} Trade is one of the policy areas where the hostility（敌意） that exists between populists （平民主义的）and classical（古典自由主义） liberals is most visible（明显的）.Free-traders point to the undeniable good that tariff-free （免税）trade has done for consumers across the world and to the observable （显著的）alleviation （缓和）of poverty in corners of the world where previously closed markets have been opened up.Protectionists（保护主义者） point to the domestic producers who''ve paid the price for this globalized economy in the form of lost livelihoods and hollowed-out （掏空munities.
{B} The ongoing conservative（保守派） civil war often degenerates（恶化） into content-free tribal warfare（部落）, but trade is a rare excption.There are substantial（大量的）, thought-out policy proposals（建议） on both sides of the argument.
{C}Consequently, trade as a topic of discussion provides an opportunity for liberals and populists to have a real meeting of minds.Fruitful debates might actually take place in this area, as opposed to the familiar ritual （仪式）we''ve be accustomed to of condemnation（谴责） met with counter-condemnation.（相反）
{D} Strange as it might sound, the problem with trade in the modern world isn''t a matter of dollars and cents.It''s a matter of false consciousness.This observation is bound to set Marxist（马克思主义者） alarm bells ringing in the minds of some readers, but it was first made by Alexis de Tocqueville in 1840.
{E} Tracking the economic development of mankind from primitive to modern societies, Tocqueville observed a paradox （悖论）unfolding over the centuries as economic realities and human experience of those realities strayed（迷路） further and further from each other.In primitive societies, he notes, the division of labor was as yet undeveloped for the most part, requiring each person, family, or tribe to be relatively independent when it came to meeting their own basic material needs. Men built their own dwellings（住处）, farmed their own land, tended to their own livestock.This is not to deny that basic forms of trade took place, but, for the most part, our primitive ancestors lived fairly self-reliant（自力更生）, if crushingly poor, lives.
{F} However, the exclusively local and face-to-face nature of economic and politicalanization in the ancient and prehistoric（史前的） worlds constantly impressed upon these primitive peoples the uncontrollable reality of others and their needs.As Tocqueville notes, "as soon as a man begins to deal withmon affairs （公共事务）in public, he begins to perceive that he is not so independent of his fellow men as he had first imagined, and that in order to obtain their support he must often lend them his cooperation."
{G}At the advent of the modern world, the division of labor spread further and further throughout society. Each person became more and more dependent on others for their basic needs.And yet, robbed （剥夺）of the engagement with our neighbors and with our localmunities that our ancestors were forced into by circumstance, we feel ourselves to be more and more independent of one another.As we be more and more dependent on others, we be less and less conscious of our dependence on others.This is the paradox of trade in the modern world.
{H} The false consciousness that this paradox generates causes havoc （浩劫）on the debates we have about free trade.There is scarcely a singlemodity in any American household that isn''t dependent for its manufacture and sale, through one supply chain or another, on scores of different people spread out across the entire globe. But as Tocqueville already foresaw in 1840, we do not feel dependent on these strangers for our way of life. No sense of the dependence of our own material welfare on their work ever strikes our national consciousness. We rarely contemplate（沉思） the globalized avenues （途径）of free trade with gratitude.
{I}There are two reasons for this.The first, to put it bluntly（说白了）, is money.Money allows us to purchase the work of others without giving any thought to them as human beings.Unlike our ancestors in their primitive townships, we rarely have to meet face-to-face the people who''ve invented, built, shipped, or supplied our goods.No relationship has to be built before an exchange can take place.Simply agree on a price, and you can have any goods you wish without taking a second thought for the human being involved on the other side of the transaction（交易）.In this way, money makes us feel more independent than we actually are. Each of us senses the hold that it has over our fellows.We know that if we bid（出价） highly enough we can buy ourselves out of the time-consuming labor of building relationships.Money is kind of like magic in that way.
It gives us a set of rituals（规定程序） to perform （执行）and promises that if we do so we''ll be able to wield power over others.The illusion（错觉） is created that having enough money to buy something is the equivalent （等价物）of knowing how to make it yourself.Gratitude for the anonymous men and women who make up the supply chain rarely makes its way into our consciousness.
{J} Anonymity（匿名性）, in fact, is the second root cause of the free-trade paradox.
Modernity has emancipated （解放）everyone from the limits of location andmunity.
By and large, when we trade, we trade with strangers; when we vote, we vote for strangers; when we watch, read, or listen to stories, the tellers of the tales are strangers.As opposed to the ancestors Tocquevillepares （比较）us to, we do not know the people with whom we have to do, in either the economic or the political sphere.This is simply the shadow side of the miracle of markets, which, for the frst time in history, have allowed strangers to look after each other.
They''ve also allowed each of us to live more and more of our lives exclusively（唯一的） as strangers to other people. This is how Tocqueville——rather pessimistically（悲观地）——describes us: Each, standing apart, is like a stranger to the destiny（命运） of others; his children and personal friends forming for him the entire human race.As for the remainder of his fellow citizens, he is beside them, but he does not see them.He touches them, but he does not feel them.He exists only in and for himself.
{K} The last sentence but one is as apt （恰当的）a summary as one could hope toe by of how each of us functions in the modern economy: "He touches them, but he does not feel them."
{L} This is the greatest challenge facing defenders of free trade.It''s exceedingly（极其） difficult for human beings to feel gratitude toward strangers, and the global marketplace that has made us so rich has also made us strangers to one another.Our brains are hardwired（天生） for tribal （部落）life, and tribes do not take kindly to strangers.
Impressing a sense of dependence upon and gratitude toward foreign strangers is therefore an uphill task.
{M} If free-traders（自由贸易者） are going to win policy arguments in the future, they''ll have to find a way of ing bonds of affection （喜爱）between American consumers and foreign producers.Only by de-anonymizing（除去） the men and women who supply us with the goods and services we enjoy from overseas and by creating a sense of solidarity and relationship across borders（超越国界） that transcends economic interest can free trade win the day.Otherwise, the inborn biological upper hand that protectionists （贸易保护主义者）have in the form of nationalist （民族）solidarity（团结） is bound to win the day at the ballot box.
1. People became more and more reliant （依赖）on others for basic needs as they entered the modern world even though they might feel less so.
2.On the topic of trade, productive debates might be possible, in contrast to the familiar mutual （共同的）condemnation（谴责） in discussing other issues.
3. We feel greater independence than we actually possess because money allows us to buy things without building any relationships.
4.The trouble with today''s trade stems（起源于） from misconceptions（误解） rather than money.
5.For their arguments to prevail（盛行）, advocates of free trade must try to e bonds of affection between consumers at home and producers overseas.
6.According to Tocqueville, unlike our ancestors, we and the people we do trade with are strangers to each other.
7.In primitive societies, people had to rely mostly on themselves to meet their personal needs.
8.Fewmodities（商品） in American homes are not reliant on people abroad in the process of manufacture and sale.
9.Protectionists argue against free trade by referring to the losses suffered by domestic producers andmunities.
10.It is extremely hard to make people feel dependent on and grateful to strangers overseas.
Key:1-5 GCIDM 6-10 JEHAL
It is irrefutable（无可辩驳的） that employees know the difference between right and wrong.
So why don''t more employees intervene （干涉）when they see someone exhibiting at-risk behavior in the workplace?
There are a number of factors that influence whether people intervene.
First, they need to be able to see a risky situation beginning to unfold. Second, thepany''s culture needs to make them feel safe to speak up.
And third, they need to have themunication（交流） skills to say something effectively. This is not strictly a workplace problem; it''s a growing problem off the job too. Every day people witness things on the street and choose to stand idly（袖手旁观） by.
This is known as the bystander effect（旁观者效应） -the more people who witness an event, the less likely anyone in that group is to help the victim.
The psychology behind this is called diffusion （责任分散）of responsibility.
Basically, the larger the crowd, the more people assume that someone else will take care of it - meaning no one effectively intervenes or acts in a moment of need.
This crowd mentality（心态） is strong enough for people to evade（逃避） their known responsibilities.But it''s not only frontline（前线） workers who don''t make safety interventions in the workplace.
There are also instances where supervisors do not intervene either.
When a group of employees sees unsafe behavior not being addressed at a leadership level it creates the precedent（先例）hat this is how these situations should be addressed, thus defining the safety culture for everyone.
Despite the fact that workers are encouraged to intervene when they observe unsafe operations, this happens less than half of the time.
Fear is the ultimate factor in not intervening.
There is a fear of penalty（罚金）, a fear that they''ll have to do more work if they intervene.
Unsuccessful attempts in the past are another strong contributing factor to why people don''t intervene —— they tend to prefer to defer（推迟） that action to someone else for all future situations.
On many worksites（工地）,petent workers must be appointed.
Part of their job is to intervene when workers perform a task without the proper equipment or if the conditions are unsafe.
 petent （有能力的）workers are also required to stop work from continuing when there''s a danger. Supervisors also play a critical role.
Even if apetent person isn''t required, supervisors need a broad set of skills to not only identify and alleviate workplace hazards（减轻） but also build a safety climate within their team that supports intervening and openmunication among them.
Beyondpetent （胜任的）workers and supervisors, it''s important to educate everyone within theanization that they are obliged （必须）to intervene if they witness a possible unsafe act, whether you''re a designatedpetent person, a supervisor or a frontline worker.
1.
What is one of the factors contributing to failure of intervention in face of risky behavior in the workplace?
A) Slack supervision style.
B) Unfavorable workplace culture.
C) Unforeseeable risk.
D) Blockedmunication.
2.
What does the author mean by "diffusion of responsibility" (Line 4, Para. 3)?
A)The more people are around, the more they need to worry about their personal safety.
B)The more people who witness an event, the less likely anyone will venture to participate.
C)The more people idling around on the street, the more likely they need taking care of.
D) The more people are around, the less chance someone will step forward to intervene.
3.
What happens when unsafe behavior at the workplace is not addressed by the leaders?
A)No one will intervene when they see similar behaviors.
B) Everyone will see it as the easiest way to deal with crisis.
C) Workers have to take extra caution executing their duties.
D) Workers are left to take care of the emergency themselves.
4.
What is the ultimate reason workers won''t act when they see unsafe operations?
A) Preference（倾向） of deferring the action to others.
B) Anticipation of leadership intervention.
C) Fear of being isolated by coworkers.
D) Fear of having to do more work.
5.
What is critical to ensuring workplace safety?
A) Workers be trained to operate their equipment properly.
B) Workers exhibiting at-risk behavior be strictly disciplined.
C) Supervisors create a safety environment for timely intervention.
D) Supervisors conduct effectivemunication with frontline workers.
Key: B-D-A-D-C
【正确率结算中……本次正答率为55%，即将进入惩罚机制……】
【倒计时：10,9, 8……】
岑越崎心道不好，然而还未等他反应过来，便感到一阵彻骨的疼痛自心口传来。
他瞬间脸色惨白，豆大的汗珠自额前滑下，手掌攥住胸口的衣料，仿佛试图缓解这钻心之痛。
然而无济于事。仿佛有一千根钢针订入，又好似有双无形的手肆意撕扯，几乎无法呼吸，也没办法发出任何音节。
不知过了多久，岑越崎只觉得仿佛过了一个世纪。疼痛撤去，他如获重生般瘫在椅子靠背，大口大口喘气着。
缓了足足半个小时，岑越崎终于找回一丝清明，然而指尖仍不止地颤抖着。
太痛了。岑越崎发誓他这辈子都不要再经历那种惩罚。
哆哆嗦嗦地拿起笔，岑越崎捧着书，第一次主动开始背起了单词。